As Israel’s political landscape faces potential upheaval with the opposition moving to challenge Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, intense scrutiny has turned toward the future of the administration’s most radical components. Specifically, the roles held by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir—figures known for their pro-settler stance and history of extremist rhetoric—are at the center of the debate.
While the entire cabinet, supported by certain opposition figures, has maintained a hawkish position regarding the war in Gaza, Smotrich and Ben-Gvir have become distinct targets for both international condemnation and internal political pressure. With the unflinching backing of the opposition politicians hoping to supplant them, have supported Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza and attacks on regional states, it is Smotrich and Ben-Gvir who have been the focus of international attention and lightning rods for criticism by Western governments, while all members of Netanyahu’s cabinet. Repeatedly threatening to withdraw their support from the government when it appeared Netanyahu might falter in the face of international pressure about the huge number of civilians killed, famine, and withholding of aid, both have been enthusiastic proponents of Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza. Both figures have been accused of transforming their ministries in ways that will linger long after they leave government. Long festering, exploded in the wake of the Hamas-led October 7 attacks, their lasting legacy may be the official sanction of hatred towards Palestinians which. Ben-Gvir was a leading figure in the passage through the Knesset of a death penalty law that solely targets Palestinians.
Rumors of a potential unity government involving Gadi Eisenkot have prompted pushback from these ministers.
In a recent campaign move, Ben-Gvir argued that Netanyahu faces a binary choice: either align with him to “save Israel” or pivot toward Eisenkot. In the run-up to the vote, Ben-Gvir took the unusual step of claiming that Netanyahu now has a choice of selecting himself to “save Israel”, or Eisenkot.
Simultaneously, Smotrich has warned his ultra-Orthodox allies against negotiating with Eisenkot, threatening to “dump them” if they use his support to remove Netanyahu from power.
The partnership, forged in 2022, granted these far-right leaders immense influence. Smotrich gained control over the national budget and various institutions within the occupied West Bank, while Ben-Gvir assumed the post of national security minister. These positions have allowed them to translate their ideological goals—rooted in Jewish supremacy and hardline Zionism—into government policy over the last three years. Portfolios and control over settlement policy”, this means he would have more to lose if he were “cut off from budgets.
The impact of their tenure is visible in the ongoing military operations in Gaza, which have resulted in the deaths of more than 74,000 people. Both ministers have been vocal supporters of these actions, frequently leveraging their support within the coalition to prevent any softening of Israel’s stance amid global criticism regarding humanitarian aid and civilian casualties. By September 2025, Ben-Gvir had openly threatened the government’s stability if Hamas were allowed to survive under a proposed US-backed peace plan, with both ministers advocating for the annexation of Gaza. According to in September 2025, Ben-Gvir threatened to bring down the government if Hamas remained in existence following the release of the captives under United, President Donald Trump’s proposed Gaza plan. The widely publicised killing of more than 74,000 people in the genocidal war on Gaza, the willful neglect of Palestinian townships within Israel’s borders, where crime and murder have become a virtual epidemic, and the.
Smotrich’s influence has been particularly damaging in the West Bank, where he has accelerated illegal settlement expansion. His actions have been widely linked to the sharp rise in settler violence against Palestinians. In response to these policies, several Western nations, including Ireland and the Netherlands, imposed travel bans and asset freezes on both ministers in June 2025. Irish Taoiseach Micheal Martin cited their desire to see the “elimination of Palestinians from Palestine” as the primary motivation for these international sanctions.
Academic observers suggest, however, that these ministers should not be viewed as a monolith. Arie Perliger, a specialist in far-right extremism at the University of Massachusetts Lowell, notes that their political strategies differ significantly. Ben-Gvir’s power is largely performative and populist, rooted in his history within the banned Kahanist movement. Conversely, Smotrich’s influence is bureaucratic; he has successfully integrated his agenda into the state apparatus. In tandem with many right-wing movements, relied upon their historical exclusion from power as evidence of a betrayal by the establishment, he added, ben-Gvir’s roots in the outlawed Kahanist movement had. “These are personnel, procedures and facts on the ground and reversing them requires sustained political will,” Perliger added.
This bureaucratic entrenchment is perhaps their most enduring legacy. As a minister in the Ministry of Defence, Smotrich established a dedicated Settlement Administration that has fundamentally altered the administrative landscape of the occupied West Bank. His 2025 decision to revive the E1 settlement plan specifically aimed to render the prospect of a future Palestinian state impossible. As part of the 2022 deal with Netanyahu that secured his finance portfolio, Smotrich was given the additional role as a minister in the Ministry of Defence. He announced the revival of the E1 settlement plan, which he boasted would bury “the idea of a Palestinian state”, in August 2025. From there, he used his position to establish a separate Settlement Administration and to rapidly accelerate illegal settlement expansion across the occupied territory. And those of other right-wing members of Netanyahu’s coalition, the value of Palestinian lives in the eyes of Israelis has sunk to unprecedented lows, through their actions.
Ben-Gvir has similarly transformed the Israeli police force and the prison service, implementing harsh policies and restrictions that observers argue will be difficult to reverse without significant political will. Critics like Aida Touma-Suleiman, a former member of parliament for the Hadash party, suggest that the discrimination and racism fostered by the current government have become deeply ingrained within the social fabric of the country. Including severe restrictions on the conditions and rights of Palestinian prisoners, whose institutional legacy could last for years, he has also introduced sweeping changes to the prison service. Wherever you are.”, you have to be careful just to speak Arabic. Fascism is when the discrimination and the racism are carried in the soul,” she told.
Roi Zur, an assistant professor at Essex University, believes that removing these individuals from office may not be enough to shift the underlying political sentiment. The groups led by Smotrich and Ben-Gvir maintain a stable support base representing roughly 10 percent of the Israeli electorate. Their movements, with roots extending back to the 1967 war, remain a potent force that experts expect will continue to shape Israeli politics for many years to come. “Apartheid is a series of laws that discriminate on the basis of race.
